Stellenbosch Theological Journal 2024, Vol 10, No 2, 1–21
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17570/stj.2024.v10n2.10
Online ISSN 2226-2385 | Print ISSN 2413-9459
2024 © The Author(s)
Striving for effective social development interventions in South Africa: A conceptual assessment of religion-state partnerships
Abstract
The socio-economic conditions of the poor in South Africa remain dire, and little has been done to improve them. However, many faith-based organizations (FBOs) have entered into agreements with the state to overcome various social development problems. Nevertheless, since questions continue to be raised regarding the rate of resolution of social development problems in South Africa, the difficulty may lie with the conceptualization and understanding of the partnership between church and state and the role that this partnership plays. This article reports on a critical assessment of the partnerships between FBOs in Elsies River and some Western Cape government organizations. The study entailed semi-structured interviews with a purposive sample to understand how both role players understood the FBO-state partnership, and how their understanding and social praxis either brought about more complexities and negative consequences or had a beneficial and positive influence on how poor social conditions in the communities are attended to. The study found that the South African government is not always adequately resourced to provide the necessary social welfare services and therefore makes use of alternative service providers to render social development services on its behalf. Furthermore, the study raises a deep concern about the imbalance in the power relations between the two stakeholders.1
Keywords
Religion-state partnerships; social development; faith-based organizations; National Development Plan; Western Cape Government; Elsies River
1. Introduction
Religious groups have historically been involved in offering solutions to social welfare problems and have participated in task groups and forums concerned with AIDS, child abuse, combating racism and inequality, care for the elderly and other serious social welfare issues. Beukes and van Plaatjies-van Huffel (2016:231) state that when the church or other religious institutions meet people’s needs, a relationship of trust usually develops, which enables these organizations to concern themselves with deeper issues of development. The religious sector in South Africa has a history of involvement in social development programs with a special focus on the poor. As Xaba (2015:309) notes, numerous non-government organizations in South Africa played a vital role during the pre-apartheid struggle for democracy and the eradication of apartheid, while Baron (2022) identifies the reason for the lesser involvement of some churches in social development during apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa as being their historical positioning: they were “missionary churches”, closely dependent on their “white mother churches”.2 Baron and Maponya (2020:1) attribute this to unhelpful “ecclesial imaginations”3 within churches, leading to a lack of prophetic action; consequently, some churches did not explore their agency. However, relatively little empirical research has focused on assessing the functionality of partnerships between the state and civil society organizations, faith-based organizations (FBOs) in particular.
In 2022, the South African Missiological Society held a conference at the University of Stellenbosch, during which the dire socio-economic circumstances in South Africa arising from the COVID-19 pandemic were lamented. As argued by the participants, the crisis revealed the breakdown or failure of the relationship between the church and state.4 The academic contributions offered at the conference focused on the role that the churches, church organizations and FBOs can play or currently do not play in presenting solutions to the socio-economic and development problems in South Africa. In this article we deal with a specific case study of the partnerships between FBOs and the government in Elsies River in the Western Cape, South Africa to implement social development programs.
2. Need for religion-state partnerships
Poverty, social injustice, and inequality have been key barriers to development opportunities and human welfare in South Africa, creating existential barriers while posing a serious threat to the moral fibre of South Africa (Baron 2014:135; Butler 2017:79; Kasera 2022:4). The effects of poverty on human beings worldwide and in South Africa in particular have reached a point at which poverty eradication merits concentrated efforts by governments, civil society organizations and ordinary citizens everywhere (Lötter 2008:17). Regarding the South African context, Ngwane (2018:170) is of the view that local community and faith-based organizations in apartheid South Africa played an important role in the quest for a new democratic inclusive order. Since the pre-apartheid South African government provided minimal social and infrastructural services to Africans residing in urban areas and the rural apartheid ‘homelands’, social services were mostly provided by civil society organizations (Xaba 2015:313). Political reforms introduced in post-apartheid South Africa to bring about improvements in the living standards of previously disadvantaged communities have produced little, while the prospect of favourable socio-economic progress looks bleak (Kasera 2022:4). The demands of sustained urbanization and suburbanization, lack of service delivery and even the failure to deliver state-subsidized housing at an acceptable rate require definite intervention (Butler 2017:157). The South African context of poverty and the exclusion of certain racial groups from social welfare services, the underdevelopment of many communities, unemployment and inequality provide a context in which religion–state partnerships have a valuable contribution to make.
The religious sector in South Africa has traditionally involved itself in social development programs with a special focus on the poor. Generally committed to equity, social justice and the eradication of poverty, the religious sector is ideally placed to engage with and be part of development partnerships (Swart 2010:28). Religious groups are in many ways strategically placed in society and thus have an opportunity to play a meaningful role in social welfare (Solomons 2015:208). Patel (2015:323) sees, however, that post-1994 South Africa’s new social contract to meet people’s basic needs is a daunting one, given the realities of the country’s apartheid past. Patel (2005:283–294) provides some background to this when she argues that based on the history of South Africa, where millions of people were marginalized and socially excluded, religious communities needed to become involved in social development. Much can be achieved concerning social development goals through partnership arrangements (Patel 2015:615). In this regard, the state should recognize the need for complementary social interventions as a way to prevent poor and vulnerable people from falling into poverty (Patel 2015:294). Common ground for government and civil society finds legitimacy in the fact that a significant number of South Africans live in poverty, and experience income inequality and high levels of unemployment.
3. Contextual background
In the 1960s a social developmental approach to social policy was introduced by the United Nations (UN) to satisfy human development needs in the world’s poorest nations following independence from colonial rule (Patel 2005:29; 2015:28). As a response to mass poverty and unequal development, governments were capacitated to deliver services and to implement community development programs (Patel 2015:28). Burkey (1993:37) considers services intended to ensure minimum acceptable living conditions such as an accessible health service, equal education opportunities, a well-functioning transport system, clean water supplies and effective communication systems to constitute social development.
In the South African context, a particular approach to social development was adopted; for instance, the political changes that took place in South Africa post 1994 suggest that the government’s social development program entails a people-centred approach to development (Patel 2005:30). Midgley (2012:101) expresses the view that social development goals can best be met through collaborative engagements in projects and programs, and Amoa (2001:149–150) suggests that such social welfare services should consist of special restorative service development programs aimed at the vulnerable in the communities most affected by inequalities and inadequacies.
For Cowen and Shenton (1996:439), a key focus in social development is improved living standards and the growth of the economy, and better social and political conditions in areas where these are lacking. Investment in social programs and participation in the economy is viewed by proponents of social development as an effective way to maximize the social and economic impact of a solution to the socioeconomic problems that the country faces (Patel 2005:29) – hence, social development should be about the achievement of a just, equal, stable and prosperous society. Patel (2005:206) moreover proposes that social development should be multi-disciplinary. In terms of how these anti-poverty actions for sustainable social development outcomes are to be implemented in a post-apartheid South African setting, Pieterse (2001:56, 58) stresses that all participants in the development process should commit themselves to functional partnerships.
The developmental method adopted by the South African government rests on the concept of development planning to realize national development goals, geared to take care of the poor and vulnerable groups in society (Mulaudzi & Liebenberg 2017:38). The White Paper for Social Welfare 1997(1997:5) proposes the intervention of the state via action programs and integrated social services, intending to promote social development, social justice, and the meeting of the expectations of the desperately poor and socially marginalized.
The appointment of a National Planning Commission in 2010 by former president Jacob Zuma, with the task of drafting a development plan that would offer a vision of a transformative South Africa, was an indication that South Africa was facing trying and challenging times (National Planning Commission 2011:21). To bring about the development of a more egalitarian nation, the National Development Plan (NDP) was introduced to eradicate poverty and underdevelopment and reduce inequality by 2030 (see National Planning Commission 2011:24; Patel 2015:81; Klaasen 2017:6). Auriacombe and Meyer (2020:5) rightly observe that the aims and principles of the NDP reflect the meaning of developmental democratization within the context of South Africa.
At the core of the NDP, the South African government committed itself to building a comprehensive system of social protection able to take care of the poor and vulnerable groups in society (Mulaudzi & Liebenberg 2017:38). Manuel (2017:38) states that there was strong political will on the part of the state to implement the plan, and that the plan also enjoys broad social support. Along with the welfare policy changes, local government was given the task as set out in the NDP (including the enhancement of the state’s capacity to provide adequate public services) to rebuild those communities that suffered under apartheid (Siddle & Koelble 2012:5). Scholars such as Auriacombe and Meyer (2020:9) share the view that the NDP 2030 goals can be realized only through partnerships. In this regard, De la Porte (2016:2) argues that the South African government should play to its strength and turn the weakening socio-economic situation around through a collaborative national approach.
4. Religion-state partnerships
The dismantling of apartheid required the restructuring of civil society, the transformation of the economy and a developmental role for the state that would lead to new capacities for the majority who had suffered under the previous dispensation. Within the broader context of civil society, religious welfare organizations and social development networks strive to deliver developmental programs. De la Porte (2016:5) holds the view that a hallmark of South African society, despite its diversity and inequalities, is the religious involvement and connection of people and communities. Based on religious conviction on the one hand and loyalty to the most vulnerable people on the other hand, FBOs collaborated with various institutions in society, including the state, to render services to those deprived of them. FBOs have been able to tap into existing pools of volunteers and resources while playing a concrete role in providing social welfare (see Vähäkangas, Hankela, le Roux & Orsmond 2022:88). Their ability to do this can be attributed to the fact that concerning their development agendas, numerous FBOs can adapt to non-religious contexts in interaction with their socio-cultural environment. Similarly, Koehrsen and Heuser (2020:14–18) are of the view that FBOs can adapt their agendas to the extent that they can contribute meaningfully to alternative perspectives on social development. Nevertheless, the quest to achieve these social development goals as outlined in the NDP 2030 depends on functional state-business and state-civil society partnerships.
Social development partnerships are seen as a collaborative way of responding to the social needs of society (Patel 2015:330). Organized social welfare religion–state partnerships formed to resolve social problems seem to be an implied notion if Patel’s view is to be taken seriously. On this basis, Patel (2015:330) argues that social development partnerships could enhance the rendering of developmental welfare services if one considers the fact that the state and religion have the social well-being of citizens at heart in the context of the persistent reality of poverty in South Africa. Reflection on religion-state partnerships with the objectives of the NDP is a necessary step in ensuring greater accountability and improved service delivery, and that the most vulnerable in society are protected from neglect, exploitation, and abuse (NPC 2011:377).
The Department of Social Development in South Africa bases its partnership agreements with social welfare practitioners on its transfer payment agreement (TPA), and compliance with this document by “beneficiaries” serves as the yardstick to assess the functionality of religion-state partnerships. In terms of the TPA between the Western Cape government through its Department of Social Development (DSD) and non-profit organizations registered in terms of the Non-profit Organizations Act 71 of 1997, a beneficiary is required to:
5. The Elsies River case study
A case study research design aims to investigate a concrete, real-life matter in depth, as it allows the researcher to view the phenomenon in context (Farquhar 2012:6). For the research, the partnerships in Elsies River in Cape Town, South Africa were selected. The demographics of the suburb of Elsies River seem to confirm the existence of inequalities both among individuals and within societal structures, where apartheid divided racial groups. For this reason, commitment to a collective social developmental approach inclusive of FBOs would seem sensible for the post-apartheid state.
Elsies River consists of diverse working-class and middle-class neighbourhoods in which a variety of social welfare problems manifest (Bruinders 2017:98). In the Carnegie Report of 1984 (Jansen, Du Plooy & Esau 1984:10), the poverty-related social problems of Elsies River are described as being reflective of life for non-whites in apartheid South Africa. In such a context, poverty has been seen as one of the most serious social problems contributing to social welfare needs (Zastrow 1990:76).
Characterized as it is by poverty and poor social welfare conditions, Elsies River presents a case for religion–state partnerships in fulfilling the welfare needs of the sick, women, and the poor. Many women in this community are single parents, and many children are involved in gangsterism and engage in drug abuse and sexual activities, resulting in teenage pregnancies, unemployment, and abusive relationships. Men are still expected to be the primary breadwinners and are often blamed or belittled if they are not able to fulfil this role adequately (cf. Rabe 2021:242). The emphasis on men as breadwinners5 has serious implications for their gender identity, with indications that the high unemployment rate seems unlikely to change soon (Rabe 2021:242, 252). Inadequate social welfare in Elsies River has contributed to a poverty trap in this community (Jansen, Du Plooy & Esau 1984:11), where social and economic factors combine to create complex conditions within which crime thrives, while solutions seem to be elusive. Gang activities and substance abuse in Elsies River are closely related to social problems and the primary causes of much violent crime in the community.
Religion can enrich, deepen, widen, and reinforce the values that are central to democratic societies and promote the quest for a life of justice for all (Koopman 2014:627, 633). Given this reality, several FBOs in Elsies River have assumed ownership of social welfare security programs aimed at overcoming poverty.
6. Research methodology
The researcher, a minister of religion serving the Rhenish Church in the suburb of Elsies River for more than thirty years, was aware of the potentially sensitive nature of the information that the interviews might elicit. This made it extremely important to win the trust of the interviewees and to maintain the highest possible ethical standards. The highest level of integrity was maintained concerning the information gathered so that this information might not be used to aggravate tensions or cause mistrust. A qualitative research approach was employed for the study in the quest to develop an in-depth understanding and assessment of the functionality of partnerships between the Department of Social Development (DSD) and the twenty selected government-funded FBOs in Elsies River (cf. Moore 2001:130).
To gain a deeper understanding of the subject matter, four categories of FBOs were selected: (1) early childhood development, (2) older person care, (3) youth development work, and (4) women and welfare. FBOs were selected based on a consideration of a) whether the FBO had an explicit Christian orientation, b) the geographic distribution of the FBO throughout the suburb of Elsies River, and c) the diversity of denominations involved in the FBOs. The selected FBOs included some older, well-established organizations and some that had been established more recently, since the functioning and thus the functionality of the partnerships involved may well have been different. The size (in terms of staff and budget) was not considered.
Semi-structured interviews were employed to obtain the views of the principal, coordinator, or persons nominated by the management of the respective FBO. The interview times and dates were set during an orientation session with one of the DSD officials, and a process for interviewing was discussed. Proof of ethical clearance by the Humanities and Social Science Research Committee of the University of the Western Cape, as well as the ethical clearance letter from the DSD was available during the orientation session, at the end of which the participants signed the consent form to signify their permission to be interviewed. The interviews, consisting of standardized questions, assisted the study and made available data that shed light on how officials of the DSD understood functional religion–state partnerships. During the data analysis, the focus was on identifying and critically analysing the concepts and responses from interviewees concerning their perception of the partnership between the Western Cape government and FBOs.
During the data analysis process, the data was arranged around the following five themes to adequately investigate the research problem: 1) purpose and vision, 2), governance and accountability, 3) funding and finances, 4) partnership benefits, and 5) partnership challenges. The analysis of the selected religion–state partnerships revealed these partnerships to have both benefits and disadvantages, as discussed in the next section.
7. Research findings
The objective of the research was to assess the functionality of religion-state partnerships in social development. The findings and data support the contention of Patel (2015:160) that post-apartheid social development can be a vital tool in eradicating poverty, unemployment, and inequality. Like the state, FBOs are important role players in providing social welfare services in communities experiencing social welfare distress caused by unemployment, loss of income, crime, and poverty. The data revealed the relationship between the state and FBOs to have several benefits, as discussed below.
7.1. Benefits of religion-state partnerships
The study confirmed that a turn-around strategy for social welfare services in post-apartheid South Africa was inevitable. With South Africa’s transition to a democratic government in 1994, greater focus was placed on the socio-economic well-being of all South Africans (cf. Cloete, Munro & Sokhulu 2019:19). Since 1994, South Africa has made significant progress towards becoming a more just and inclusive society (NPC 2011:6). Even though none of the interviewees referred to the NDP 2030 goals, their social development services affirm their commitment to the values and goals enshrined in the NDP. What transpired from the interview results is that civil society organizations such as FBOs are dependent on state funding and must be registered and authorized by the state to receive the funding necessary to render appropriate services.
The data also revealed that the state is dependent on FBOs to render social welfare services in areas such as Elsies River, where there is a concentration of vulnerable groups – hence the fact that some interviewees identified FBOs as a category of social welfare service professionals in basic social welfare delivery, along with the state. Bowers Du Toit (2016:83) argues that reconciling with the poor requires being with the poor in their context, and not just being for the poor and that this demands more of the state than merely making funding available for poverty alleviation. On this basis, contractual partnerships with service providers are crucial and assist the government in fulfilling its social development commitments. In an age of pragmatism, practitioners and civil society organizations want to understand the impact of interventions. Partnership with the state helps to increase access to social welfare services. The government-funded FBOs reported that funding enables them to provide social welfare services to a community experiencing difficult social welfare circumstances. From a practical perspective, religion–state partnerships in social development afford such partners the opportunity to work towards fulfilling their social development service commitment. Officials from the selected FBO and the DSD agreed that cooperation and convergence enhance the efficiency of the social development efforts of both partners. On this basis, functional partnerships lend credence to the need for such collaboration to continue.
The results of the empirical research, as these related to governance and accountability in the context of functional partnerships, confirmed that good governance and accountability must be upheld to meet organizational regulatory requirements.
It was confirmed by interviewees that the state would fund social welfare development services and community development work in instances where limitations may prevent the state from providing such services. It was moreover clear that the state would support programs that provide a social welfare safety net for the vulnerable, create opportunities for skills development that promote employability and support social well-being for those affected by social welfare problems. The study found agreement among the interviewees that social welfare development service needs warrant intervention by religion–state partners. Consultations with interviewees further revealed that it would be difficult for FBOs to render the social welfare services needed, and to survive financially, without the financial contribution from the state. Thus, funding received from the DSD, as agreed in the TPA, enables FBOs to provide a social welfare service, pay staff salaries, cover the costs of the respective projects, and cover operational costs.
7.2. Difficulties associated with religion–state partnerships from an FBO perspective
Some FBO interviewees attributed difficulties experienced by the DSD concerning religion-state partnerships to the modus operandi of the DSD. There is certainly a degree of distrust between the two parties. The FBO interviewees appeared to feel uncomfortable with state officials based on their attitudes as well as the demands made by the DSD. The view of the FBO interviewees was based on the assumption by the DSD that the state provides funding for the FBOs, and that the FBOs should therefore be grateful to the state.
Another obstacle identified in the study was that if FBOs do not have sufficient funding to assist the state comprehensively in fulfilling the social welfare needs of children, the youth, women, and vulnerable people generally, the partners find it difficult to satisfy these needs adequately. A consequence of this is that the poor become disproportionately more vulnerable to poverty based on their disadvantaged position.
A further difficulty was the fear that non-compliance by some FBOs with the requirements of the TPA would result in a breach of contract, and thus constitute a threat to the partnership. Along with the problem of non-compliance was of a general lack of understanding of the terms, conditions, and terminologies of the partnership TPA on the part of some management committees of FBOs. Finally, the results of the interviews indicated that a lack of consistency in reporting by FBO governing boards as per the TPA led to the possibility of the DSD terminating the contract.
The results of the study also indicated that in some cases the religious convictions and the ethical stance of FBOs were unacceptable to the state, while certain goals anticipated by the state contradicted the religious-based values of the FBOs. For example, one of the FBOs indicated that they were expected by the state to distribute condoms, whereas on Sundays this particular FBO preaches a message of abstinence.
Finally, in terms of how DSD officials experienced the agreed partnerships, the officials found persistent problems in management capacity, including poor levels of performance and underdeveloped leadership competencies among some management boards, to be the causes of underperformance by FBOs in terms of the state–religion partnership agreement.
7.3. Critical discussion of the concept of the partnership from a state perspective
The following section contains a discussion of some of the complexities that emerged during the research. The discussion consists primarily of a response to the Transfer Payment Agreement, and the need to revise the document to deal with some of the complexities that result in unnecessary strain on the religion-state partnership.
First, the fact that the state provides the funding to its partners allows it to set the terms and conditions in the TPA. A second complexity relates to the dominance of one partner over the other, with the state in this case being the dominant partner. Patel (2015:330) observes that although a partnership is a voluntary agreement between role players, there seems to be a need for a contractual agreement to eliminate domination by one partner over the other. The findings of this study, however, suggest that due to its resource constraints the state needs such social development partnerships. A third complexity is related to the funding that is allocated to partners by the state. The context should determine the amounts allocated, rather than reliance on pre-determined scales, hence the view that the ability of the DSD to navigate the social development programs depends on its insight concerning vulnerable communities.
A fourth complexity relates to the state’s dependence on partnerships in providing a constitutional service concerning social welfare. Organized social welfare religion–state partnerships to overcome social welfare problems are implied in Patel’s view that social development partnerships are a collaborative means of responding to social needs (Patel 2015:330). Baerecke and Clarke (2015:25) suggest that for the state to provide social welfare services and in that way to achieve its mandate, it needs the support of service providers in communities. Since the state has resource limitations, the Western Cape DSD relies on the assistance of certain social welfare service providers. A fifth complexity is that beneficiaries of state funds play no constructive part in the policy formation discourses. Based on the interviews conducted, Solomons (2020:164) reports that even though the state lacks the resources to implement the NDP goals relating to social welfare development effectively, it tends to act as the dominant partner, leaving no room for FBOs to participate in determining the TPA conditions. A sixth complexity concerns whether FBOs can retain their religious character within religion–state partnerships because in contemporary South Africa religion is limited to the private spheres of life. A seventh complexity relates to the fact that the assessment for compliance by beneficiaries is based on the conditions stated in the TPA. While the state benefits from the services of such partners, the state is not referred to as a beneficiary. The last complexity is related to the language and concepts used in the TPA, which creates the perception of a skewed partnership. The TPA uses the term “beneficiary” instead of “partner” when referring to the state’s partners. While recognizing the autonomy of each partner, Brinkerhoff (2002:14) and Hamdi and Majale (2004:27) argue that the best forms of partnerships involve consensus that each partner should be accountable to the other. On this basis, the state should also be seen as a partner, while at the same time, both state and FBO are beneficiaries.
8. Re-imagining religion-state partnerships in South Africa
The complexities discussed and highlighted in the previous section provide a background against which to re-imagine a different kind of social contract between the state and FBOs. This can only happen through a consultative process in which all role players participate and assess the current and past partnership relationship. The following steps for a consultative forum are suggested:
In the suburb of Elsies River, social development partnerships are an accepted way of collaboratively attending to social development needs. However, once the importance of such partnerships has been accepted, the functionality of religion-state partnerships should be continually assessed. The partnership agreement should expressly deal with mutual agreements in terms in which both partners hold each other accountable, and sanctions are applied impartially. Such partnership conditions should then apply to the religious institutions/FBOs as well as the government of the Western Cape’s DSD.
Conclusion
The discourse on functional religion–state partnerships continues to provoke a range of responses. There is, however, a need to conduct more specific contextual studies to grasp the practical embodiment of social welfare partnerships in social development. The need for such studies arose because FBOs have become increasingly important players in local and international development (cf. Koehrsen & Heuser 2020:25). The fundamental conclusion remains that the Christian church must engage in social development work to contribute to the well-being of the poor. Such involvement is based on the fact that present-day South Africa continues to suffer under the legacy of apartheid – hence the need for ecumenical bodies such as the South African Council of Churches (SACC) to refocus their social development agenda in the current context and so give the necessary guidance to affiliated and non-affiliated churches concerning agreements governing religion–state partnerships, in that way redefining the role of religion in social development.
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1 It should be noted that this article explores the key findings of a PhD thesis; see Solomons (2020).
2 Baron explores how one of the missionary churches through a process of missional consciousness was able to become an active role player in the field of social development in South Africa.
3 The ecclesial imaginations that Baron and Maponya (2020) refer to are “theatrical ecclesiology”, “stokvel ecclesiology”, and “business ecclesiology”.
4 See the various contributions and publications as an outcome of this conference in the special edition edited by Baron, entitled Re-imagining a New Social Contract between Church and Society. [Online]. Available: https://missionalia.journals.ac.za/pub/issue/view/30
5 By the term “breadwinner”, Rabe refers to the fathering practice that underlies men’s role as active caretakers of the family.